Dangers of Disinformation: Against False Information and Historical Distortion (Part 2)
Second of four parts.
A History of Lies: Disinformation in World and Philippine History
Although disinformation has accelerated with the rise of social media, it is not a new phenomenon. Disinformation is as old as class struggle: throughout history, the ruling class has weaponized disinformation to delegitimize social movements, silence opposition, and maintain power.
During the Third Reich, disinformation was central to Hitler’s and the Nazi Party’s rule. Led by Joseph Goebbels, the Ministry for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda released films and newspapers that spread lies about Jews and Communists. In what can be considered an early example of “fake news”, Nazi newspapers falsely attributed the 1933 Reichstag fire to “communist agitators”. In doing so, the Nazi Party weaponized disinformation not only to instill fear, but also to delegitimize and justify state violence against the Communist Party of Germany in an era of growing worker consciousness amidst the success of the Russian Revolution.
Disinformation was also central to the workings of so-called “democracies”, such as the United States. During the period known as the Red Scare, the House Committee for Un-American Activities, led by Senator Joseph McCarthy, made unfounded accusations of subversion against labor unions, civil rights activists, and even Hollywood personalities. Through disinformation, the U.S. government sought to delegitimize social movements that strove for racial and economic justice and consolidate political power in the hands of an elite few.
As a neocolony of the United States, the Philippines, too, was a crucible for disinformation during the Cold War. In particular, Ferdinand Marcos Sr. weaponized disinformation to delegitimize political opponents, and justify the imposition of Martial Law. The Media Advisory Council, under the leadership of Primitivo Mijares, fabricated news stories about opposition politicians, as well as the New People’s Army. For example, an October 1972 story falsely claimed that the New People’s Army was “amassing troops by the thousands in the hills of Manila.” Similar to Nazi Germany and Red Scare-era United States, the Marcos government weaponized disinformation to invent an enemy and justify reactionary, militaristic policies — such as Martial Law — as a “logical” response.
Disinformation flourished even further due to the Marcos regime’s relentless attacks on journalists that exposed or were critical of the government’s atrocities. For example, Marcos’ Letter of Instruction №1 authorized the military takeover of all privately-owned newspapers, magazines, radio, and television facilities in order to prevent “subversion”. Journalists Teodoro Locsin Sr. (Philippine Free Press), Chino Roces (Manila Times), and Max Soliven were arrested. In contrast, Marcos-affiliated channels, such as Banahaw Broadcasting Corporation and the National Media Production Center, were allowed to stay open. Without a critical press to hold the Marcos regime accountable, disinformation and lies flourished, allowing the Marcoses to further consolidate their power.
A State of Lies: Disinformation as Government Policy
Fifty years after the imposition of Martial Law, disinformation remains state policy. Under the helm of known fake-news peddlers such as Lorraine Badoy and Mocha Uson, the Presidential Communications Group, formerly known as the Presidential Communications Operations Office (PCOO), maliciously brands legitimate party-lists, community pantries, and media outlets as “terrorist” organizations. Furthermore, under vlogger and former Press Secretary Trixie Cruz-Angeles leadership, the Presidential Communications Group seeks to provide accreditation to vloggers to cover presidential briefings. Vlogger access to Malacañang will compromise ethical and independent coverage of the country’s most powerful institution, thereby allowing disinformation to persist.
To make matters worse, no law or regulatory body exists to actively combat disinformation. While the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012 technically penalizes online acts of libel, its conveniently-broad definition of “cyber libel” is instead used to criminalize government critics, such as Maria Ressa and Walden Bello. While the National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) should ideally regulate all televisual and online communications, Republic Act №7925, which privatized the telecommunications industry, severely hampered its regulatory powers. Clearly, it is not in the interest of our government to combat disinformation because they are the ones who benefit the most from its existence.
Muzzling the Truth: Government Attacks on Journalism
Disinformation persists due to the information vacuum left by the state-led closure of both mainstream and independent news platforms. In a move that harkens back to Marcos’ Martial Law playbook, the Duterte administration forced ABS-CBN off air in 2020. Prior to its shutdown, ABS-CBN registered a nationwide audience share of 44% and provided free news programming to millions of Filipinos in a variety of regional languages. In particular, the loss of ABS-CBN’s regional programming left an information vacuum, especially in areas outside of Metro Manila. For example, survivors of Typhoon Odette in Bohol and Cebu lamented the lack of timely news coverage during calamities. In the absence of accessible and reliable news, Filipinos are deprived of the necessary contextual knowledge required to spot and combat disinformation.
In addition to the shutdown of ABS-CBN, the Duterte administration also waged war against independent journalists. Notable cases include the Security and Exchange Commission’s revocation of Rappler’s certificates of registration and the National Telecommunication Commission’s order to close Bulatlat and Pinoy Weekly’s websites. Moreover, journalists themselves have been targets of harassment, surveillance, and state attacks. According to the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, there have been 223 cases of attacks against members of Philippine media — half of which can be linked to state agents. By de-platforming and silencing journalists, the Marcos-Duterte administration allows disinformation to persist. The absence of critical journalists creates an information vacuum where lies are left unchecked and the public is left misinformed.
Since the Duterte administration’s attacks against journalists, distrust in mainstream news outlets has increased, thereby creating the conditions for disinformation to flourish. According to a 2022 study conducted by the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, only 37% of Filipinos “can trust most news most of the time”, which is lower than the global average of 42%. The same study also found that 47% of Filipinos often or sometimes turned away from the news, which is higher than the global average of 38%. As Filipinos turn away from traditional news, more and more turn to social media for news content. According to the same Reuters study, 80% of Filipinos turn to the Internet and social media for news. 73% of respondents use Facebook for news, 57% through YouTube, and 15% through TikTok. By sowing distrust in traditional news formats, the reactionary state pushes Filipino audiences towards social media platforms for news and information: an unregulated, profit-driven arena where it is much easier for politicians to manipulate their target audience without consequence.
A Web of Lies: Disinformation Through Social Media
As more Filipinos turn to social media for news, they are met with a deluge of disinformation. This is due to the viral or “clickbait” nature of disinformation. Websites like Facebook contain highly-exaggerated posts or thumbnail links, enticing our curious minds to find and discover additional sensational stories and articles. As a result, pages spreading disinformation receive more likes, shares, and comments from users compared to verified information. The virality of disinformation, in turn, generates profit and ad revenue for Facebook. Websites can make money on click bait news by spreading disinformation with high engagement. Seeing as there is money in disinformation, there is little incentive for social media to make changes, such as increased regulation, that would then bring less money.
An unregulated, profit-driven, and engagement-driven social media ecosystem is ripe for exploitation, especially by those with the resources to tip the scales in their favor. Politicians increasingly spend money on advertisements on social media. They can employ complex networks of disinformation to sway political discussions on these services in their favor. Hired fake accounts and paid influencers in the Philippines from different political parties at the national and local level, such as Duterte’s Partido Demokratiko Pilipino Lakas ng Bayan (PDP-Laban), are prevalent and manipulate political discussions online.
Politicians partner with experts in spreading information like local “boutique” advertising and PR agencies to be the chief architects of their networked disinformation. The chief architects then delegate tasks in the network for their marketing, relying on numerous digital influencers with large followings of 50,000 to 2,000,000 to spread disinformation. They also tap community-level fake account operators to infiltrate news pages, groups, and communities. The chief architects receive payment from politicians on a per-project basis, influencers receive pay from the chief architects based on metrics of reach and engagement, and community-level fake account operators receive a fixed daily payment rate. Payment based on reach and engagement, in particular, incentivizes influencers to lace their messages with “clickbait” content, no matter how defamatory, in order to maximize profit.
Disinformation workers possess social and financial motivations for their work, but most align with the beliefs of their client politicians. Additionally, many respondents entered this line of work due to their firsthand experience of exploitative work arrangements in the creative industry. However, working in the disinformation network also includes contractual and exploitative arrangements, in addition to the mental stress of justifying this work to others and themselves.
The unregulated disinformation network thrives, and there exists no simple solution. Efforts like blocking websites hosting disinformation, exposing accounts, or vilifying digital influencers do not address systemic issues. They do not address why influencers pursue work as architects of disinformation and the incentives encouraging them. So long as our social media ecosystem remains unregulated, profit-driven, and engagement-heavy, disinformation will continue to flourish.
Education Crisis, Media Illiteracy, and Disinformation
The Philippines’ longstanding education crisis has left students vulnerable to disinformation. According to Justin Muyot, professor and Far Eastern University Public Policy Center consultant, spotting fake news rests on the ability to compare new information to prior knowledge. Yet in the case of Filipino youth, inadequate social studies curricula leave them little prior knowledge to fall back on when encountering dubious claims online. Under the K-12 high school curriculum, there is no subject dedicated to Philippine history. To make matters worse, even the social studies curriculum at earlier levels leaves much to be desired. According to a study conducted by the Far Eastern University — Public Policy Center, Grade 5 and Grade 6 Araling Panlipunan textbooks lack a comprehensive discussion of the Marcos dictatorship. To make matters worse, no media and information literacy classes exist for students below the senior high school level. This deliberate miseducation of the Filipino youth robs them of the necessary knowledge, tools, and skills to spot, let alone combat, disinformation they encounter online.
The Covid-19 pandemic exacerbated the Philippines’ education crisis, thereby creating the conditions for intensified information disorder. According to UNICEF, the Philippines is one of the last countries to transition to face-to-face classes. Under extended online learning environments, the accessibility and quality of education suffer, especially for the youth belonging to low-income families in rural areas. According to a survey conducted by the multisectoral group Movement for Safe, Equitable, Quality, and Relevant Education (SEQuRe), 87% of students under modular learning and 66% of those under online learning have stated they “learned less” in comparison to a face-to-face set up.
As schools remain shut down, the use of social media intensified. According to a Rappler survey, 60% of respondents spent more than four hours on social media a day since the pandemic began. Under these conditions — extended online learning and increased social media consumption — disinformation persists. With less comprehension of educational material, they do not have the prior knowledge to spot or counter misinformation on social media. In addition, under an online setup, teachers are unable to correct misinformation students may have long since internalized. So long as the Philippines remains under remote learning, students will continue to fall for disinformation and revisionist history.
Written by: Joaquin Labio and Ryan Ferrer
